Durham Dispatch

$1.50 and Amazon Prime is not a gift or a raise. It is a small part of what Amazon should have been paying us! Amazon has only raised pay a total of $2.50 over the last three years, less than the cost of living has increased. You’ve seen how much more you have to spend on groceries, how much your landlord has raised the rent. $1.50 does not even begin to cover it. An RDU1 associate will now start at $18 an hour, less than half of the minimum living wage for an adult with a child in the Raleigh area - $41.23. Even a single adult must make $25.30 an hour to have a living wage. If you are still not making a living wage, a pay increase is not a raise, it is a joke! The only reason Amazon has even made these meager pay increases is that they are scared of us unionizing. They made the starting wage $15 an hour in 2018 because they felt threatened by the Fight for Fifteen movement. This time they are frightened by CAUSE and all the other unionization efforts throughout the world. Do not get it backwards: Amazon throwing out extra pennies in raises is proof that we need a union more than ever! It is proof that us coming together can bring real change, not pocket change! UPS warehouse workers recently won record wage increases, going from $15.50 an hour to $21 an hour and guaranteed additional raises that amount to a $10.25 an hour increase over five years. UPS workers have better wages and benefits because workers put pressure on the company while the Teamsters union bargained with the company. Their union-run healthcare, TeamCare, has a $0 monthly payment, $100 deductible, out of pocket max of $1,000, as well as full dental, vision, and disability coverage. We can fight for what we deserve with CAUSE! Amazon gave us a crumb of the $574 billion they made last year so they can say we don't need a union. In 2022 and 2023 Amazon paid an outside group of people over $14 million to pretend to be co-workers and bad mouth unions because they are afraid of the power of organized workers. Amazon is afraid because it knows that workers united in the CAUSE can win far higher wages and better working conditions and benefits if we come together. The first step? Sign a union authorization card and get your friends and family to sign too! This article was first published by CAUSE .

Speaker from NC Environmental Justice Network On Tuesday evening, about a hundred people gathered in front of the Durham County Courthouse to protest the climate policies of Duke Energy and the North Carolina Utilities Commission (NCUC). Speakers at the rally criticized the utility's plans for 8.9 gigawatts (GW) of new fracked gas plants in speeches. At seven o’clock, the crowd went into the courthouse for an NCUC public hearing.   According to state law HB951, Duke Energy and the NCUC must eliminate carbon dioxide (CO2) in the utility sector by 2050. In apparent defiance, the utility has planned for 8.9 GW of new fracked gas plants by 2035 [ 1 ]. Duke Energy’s promise that new fracked gas plants would be converted to hydrogen fuel in the 2040s has been viewed with skepticism by critics. CT and CC technologies are compatible with fracked gas. Image credit: Duke Energy, “IRP Load Growth Fact Sheet” The “Rally Against the Duke Energy Carbon Plan” featured speeches from Dr. Crystal Cavalier-Keck from 7 Directions of Service, Caroline Armijo of The Lilies Project, Bobby Jones of Down East Coal Ash, and others. The event was MC-ed by Karen Bearden from 350 Triangle.   "The Dan and Roanoke River watersheds are the only places on earth where you can find the Roanoke Logperch and James Spinymussel,” said Cavalier-Keck. “These and other endemic species will cease to exist if we don’t protect them from harm like Duke’s proposed methane-fracked gas build outs in Rockingham, Caswell, and Person Counties.”   People at Tuesday’s rally debated the size of Duke Energy’s fracked gas expansion, which is complex and poorly covered by media. Some saw a small victory since as recently as 2022 Duke Energy was planning an even-larger fracked gas expansion of 11.7 GW [ 2, pg. 86, table E-84 ]. Others worried that the reduction to 8.9 GW by 2035 not fully understood, and could be a trick to push through other negative policies. “We're here because we recognize that the climate change emergency is upon us. We're not talking about climate change coming tomorrow or in ten years, it's already here," said one speaker, "We’re here because we believe that not one community can be regarded as disposable. We believe that for our communities in eastern North Carolina… for our workers here in Durham County…and for people overseas.”   Twelve environmental groups planned the rally together including Climate Action NC, NC Black Alliance, and Sunrise Movement Durham Hub. Organizers were pleased that the event included both “climate change” and “environmental justice” groups, which often divide on lines of race and class.   During the “Rally Against the Duke Energy Carbon Plan”, speakers accused Duke Energy of pushing fracked gas under false pretenses. The power plants have a lifespan of 30 to 40 years. Green groups fear that plans for 8.9 GW of fracked gas would enable Duke Energy to emit CO2 far past the 2050 deadline ordered by HB951.   The utility has promised to convert new fracked gas plants to green hydrogen in the 2040s, but the technology for a full transition to hydrogen fuel does not exist. There are no 100 percent hydrogen-fired plants in the world, a fact often pointed out at Tuesday's rally, making Duke Energy’s proposal some combination of dubious, reckless, or fraudulent. Speech by Caroline Armijo from The Lilies Project State law requires the NCUC to revise the carbon plan every two years. Many of the green groups in front of the courthouse had held similar events for public hearings in 2022, but the NCUC still went ahead and approved plans for two GW of new fracked gas plants [ 3 ]. That led many environmentalists to view the regulator as a rubber-stamp for Duke Energy.   The activist’s speeches ended at seven o’clock and people lined up to get into the courthouse. Some attendees didn’t plan to stay for long. When NCUC member Floyd McKissick opened the proceedings, disruptions began almost immediately. The first to stand up and loudly denounce the NCUC was Bobby Jones from Down East Coal Ash Environmental and Social Justice Coalition.   “This hearing is a farce! We already told you what you need to do last time, and you betrayed us! I’m walking out, and we’ll be holding a real hearing outside for anyone that wants to join.” NCUC member Floyd McKissick chaired Tuesday’s hearing. Image credit: NC Legislature   McKissick soothed the crowd, assuring them that public testimony was taken seriously by the NCUC. There were two more protests and walkouts in the early minutes of the hearing. By the time calm was restored, a dozen people had left the courtroom to go outside for a “People’s Hearing” led by Jodi Lasseter of NC Climate Justice Collective.   Environmentalists have good reason for cynicism toward the NCUC. On paper, the regulator oversees Duke Energy, with full powers to apply state laws to the private monopoly. While accurate, that picture leaves out Duke Energy’s spectacular influence over state politics which the utility has used to shape energy laws and ensure a compliant NCUC.   In the last two years, the NCUC has rubber-stamped four of Duke Energy’s requests – the last carbon plan docket in December 2022, a rooftop solar case in March 2023, as well as two huge rate hikes in August and December 2023. “Rally Against the Duke Energy Carbon Plan” on April 30, 2024. Image credit: NCCJC When the interruptions petered out, McKissick began to call up attendees to give testimony on the carbon plan. Speech after speech requested the same policies – speed up closure of coal plants, scrap plans for new fracked gas, and move toward a renewable grid based on local solar, battery storage, and wind power.   McKissick listened to the comments politely, as he had during the 2022 hearings. A bailiff watched the crowd carefully, on guard for more mischief.   Outside at the “People’s Hearing”, participants passed around a microphone and talked about Duke Energy and the NCUC. One member, Steph Gans, said the whole situation reminded her of her work as a therapist. She recalled clients who were cigarette smokers tell her about the emotional agony of knowing they’d paid thousands of dollars for a product that later gave them cancer or heart attacks.   “It’s a little different with Duke Energy. They come and tell us that they’re going to ruin our communities and destroy our environment. And the kicker is, we have to pay for it”. Flooding in Fair Bluff, NC caused by Hurricane Matthew in 2016. Two years later, the town was hit by Hurricane Florence. Image credit: The Guardian Work Cited   1.    Duke Energy Corporation.  Supplemental Updates to Duke Energy’s Resource Plan . season-01 2024,  www.duke-energy.com/-/media/pdfs/our-company/carolinas-resource-plan/january-24-fact-sheet.pdf?rev=8e61a3e3e8c844daaf4f2d5b6635c687 .  2.    “Carolinas Carbon Plan, ‘Quantitative Analysis.’”  NC Utilities Commission , 16 May 2022,  starw1.ncuc.gov/NCUC/ViewFile.aspx?Id=bad82411-63e7-4553-9c0c-18a8f671773d . 3.    Clingman, Alex. “NC Utilities Commission’s Carbon Plan Order.”  NC Sustainable Energy Association , 6 Feb. 2023,  energync.org/nc-utilities-commissions-2022-carbon-plan-order .

On November 9th, a wide array of labor and political groups held an organizing fair in Moore Square. Groups such as Raleigh Mutual Aid Hub, Jewish Voices for Peace, and Southern Workers Assembly set up tables to recruit members, promote initiatives, and pass out literature. The organizers said they hoped to demonstrate that, in the aftermath of a disastrous election, there are still many opportunities to build movements for labor rights, social justice, and international peace.   “We have power, we just have to be organized and conscious”, said Jody, a member of the IBEW union, “This event is important because it is a first step towards realizing the power we can only claim if we get organized.”   Around two hundred people came to downtown Raleigh for the organizing fair. Among the many labor groups with booths was CAUSE, a nascent union at the RDU1 warehouse in Garner, a town just south of Raleigh. CAUSE workers launched a union drive in September 2024 after years of building support within their Amazon fulfillment center. As of early October, the union said that “hundreds” of workers have signed union cards [ 1 ]. Less than three percent of North Carolina workers belong to a trade union, which is quite low even by U.S. standards. During Saturday's event, speakers from North Carolina Triangle Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) occasionally addressed the crowd.   “Our work begins with an acknowledgement of where we are”, said Mika, a DSA member, “We stand at the precipice of a fascist movement taking office, wielding the tools that the Democratic Party build and expanded for them.”   Political groups opposed to Donald Trump and the Republican Party have labelled them as fascist in reference to the regimes of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. A major aspect of fascism in these governments was state dominance over the business community. The only legislative achievement of Trump’s first term was a major tax cut for large corporations. It is unclear whether the Republicans would seek to break out of their subservient relationship with the business community over the next four years.   Meals for the Masses, a left-wing community kitchen, recruited volunteers at the organizing fair. The group serves free meals “no questions asked” every Sunday in Moore Square, and then turns the dinners into educational sessions on topics like “the backwards and hostile laws that the city of Raleigh imposes on the unhoused community” [ 2 ]. Around 1,400 Triangle residents were unhoused in 2023, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and other sources [ 3 ]. Activism and symbolism related to Palestine was widespread at Saturday’s event. Groups such as Jewish Voice for Peace, Healthcare Workers for Palestine, Palestinian Youth Movement, and others attended. Countless people wore keffiyehs and many booths were decorated with watermelons or other pro-Palestine imagery. Several tables were draped with Lebanese flags to protest U.S. support for Israel’s fourth invasion of Lebanon since 1978 [ 4 ].   DSA used the organizing fair to promote the “No Appetite for Apartheid” campaign, which asks local businesses to boycott Israeli goods. The initiative does not distinguish between goods made in Israel proper versus those made in illegal West Bank settlements. According to a DSA pamphlet, sixteen Triangle businesses have pledged their support for the campaign.   The third speaker at Saturday's event promoted a campaign against Gateway Women’s Care, an anti-abortion group with a Raleigh location. Gateway’s website offers “free, confidential pregnancy and sexual health services”, but reproductive rights groups have found that the organization has said it wants “women to choose life for themselves and their unborn child” and has called the communities where it operates “sexually broken and abortion-minded” [ 5 ] [ 6 ] [ 7 ].   “We have been working on a campaign against anti-abortion centers over the last few years”, said the speaker for the anti-Gateway campaign, “We’ve been picketing Gateway Women’s Care on Hillsborough Street … to put pressure on the landlords [Ted and Pam Van Dyk] not to renew their lease. We have a petition going and have a picket this Friday at 1 p.m.” The organizing fair included more than a half-dozen groups that identify as socialist, anarchist, or communist, an unusual sight even the relatively progressive Triangle. To select at random, one of these was the Durham chapter of the Black Rose anarchists. The group has a moderate following on Instagram and a Linktree that spotlights a study group and recommends a 75-page program called “Turning the Tide”.   The Triangle chapter of the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), another group at Saturday’s event, has been more public facing and places strong emphasis on U.S. foreign policy. PSL activists have played an important role in frequent ceasefire rallies in Moore Square that tend to attract hundreds of people. In November 2024, the group raised money for Cuban relief at Mi Barrio café in Durham. The event raised $2,000 that PSL said, “will provide life-saving materials such as food, medicine and generators which are blocked from entering Cuba by the U.S. blockade” [ 8 ].   ---   At the Martin-Blount intersection, entirely outside the auspices of the organizing fair, a local chapter of the Israelite School of Universal Practical Knowledge (ISUPK) had set up a stage. The group's actions were a depressing reminder of what happens when politically minded people are not organized in a constructive way. An ISUPK speaker spewed hate against the LGBT community and also mixed in rambling thoughts about actual problems like white supremacy, gang violence, and the war on drugs. ISUPK has been designated as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.   ---   The organizing fair offered Triangle residents ways to join movements for labor rights, social justice, international peace, and other issues. The progressive and leftist groups that staged the event said they hoped to offer people productive ways to channel their fear and frustration in the aftermath of right-wing election victories. Strong attendance at Saturday's event suggested that there are many Triangle activists prepared to move forward with an optimism of the will. Work Cited Geller, Lena. “At an Amazon Warehouse in Garner, a Card-Signing Campaign Is Underway.” INDY Week , 18 Oct. 2024, indyweek.com/news/wake/at-an-amazon-warehouse-in-garner-a-card-signing-campaign-is-underway . "Meals for the Masses post on November 1". Instagram . www.instagram.com/p/DB1aVckJnee/?hl=en&img_index=1 . Eanes, Zachery. “What’s Behind a Surprising Drop in Homelessness Numbers in the Triangle.” Axios , 3 Nov. 2023, www.axios.com/local/raleigh/2023/11/03/behind-the-drop-in-homelessness-numbers-in-raleigh-durham . Bigg, Matthew. “Israel Has Invaded Lebanon Three Times Before. Here’s a Closer Look.” New York Times , 1 Oct. 2024, www.nytimes.com/2024/10/01/world/middleeast/israel-lebanon-invasions-history.html . "Website homepage". Gateway Women’s Care. https://gatewaywomens.care . “Gateway Womens Care - Full Filing- Nonprofit Explorer.” ProPublica , https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/581584775/202342089349301154/full . "Gateway Women’s Care (Accredited Organization Profile)" ECFA . www.ecfa.org/MemberProfile.aspx?ID=4129 . "Triangle PSL post on November 10". Instagram . www.instagram.com/p/DCMb1GcR-FD/?hl=en&img_index=1 .

By Victor Urquiza Community members, organizers, and UFE staff join the prayer ceremony with the Apache Stronghold at the Avila Center for Community Leadership. Photo credit: Apache Stronghold On September 4th, 2024, United for a Fair Economy had the incredible privilege of hosting the Apache Stronghold in Durham, North Carolina on their national prayer journey leading up to their Supreme Court fight on September 11th. A History of Theft, Broken Promises and Mass Suffering Ever since the colonial project of the United States began over 400 years ago, indigenous nations and tribes have been subjected to genocidal practices including land theft and forced displacement, murder, sexual violence, ethnic cleansing, apartheid, racism and broken treaties.  These injustices have been met with many forms of resistance. Since 1492 to the present day, Native people in the Americas have fought back against colonialism and capitalism. One of the most recent examples of this 400 year long resistance is within the Apache Stronghold.  Photo credit: Robin Silver Photography The Fight To Save Chí’chil Biłdagoteel (Oak Flat) Chí’chil Biłdagoteel – “Oak Flat” in English – is sacred ceremonial ground, held by several Apache tribes in Arizona. Since the early 2000s, Apache tribes and community support groups have fought against Resolution Copper, a multinational mining company, which has been attempting to steal the land of Oak Flat to gain access to one of the biggest copper deposits in the country. For decades, the U.S. government had prohibited mining operations on this land because of its sacred value to several native groups in the Southwest. This all changed when, in 2014, a last minute change to a defense bill directed the government to transfer the Oak Flats land to Resolution Copper. This bill included plans to construct a mine that will obliterate the sacred site in a nearly 2-mile-wide, 1,100-foot-deep crater. In response, a coalition of Apache tribes, non-Apache native groups and non-native organizations came together to create the Apache Stronghold. They sued the U.S. government for this blatant attack on religious freedom and indigenous sovereignty. Seeking Justice: All the Way to the Supreme Court For the last decade, the Apache Stronghold has been challenging the Federal government in a series of lawsuits to repel Resolution Copper from their sacred land. They argue that the 2014 legislation that gave away their land act violates the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) of 1993, which prohibits any agency, department, or official of the United States or any State from substantially burdening a person's exercise of religion. They also charge that it is in violation of an 1852 treaty promising that the United States would protect Apache land and “secure the permanent prosperity and happiness” of the Apaches. When the trial court declined to stop the land transfer, the Apache Stronghold appealed to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. On June 24th, 2022, the Ninth Circuit rejected their case, stating that the land transfer to Resolution Copper did not “ substantially burden the Apaches’ religious exercise . ” The case was reheard by the Ninth Circuit Court in November 2022, but once again was refused on March 1st, 2024. The Apache Stronghold decided to bring their fight to the Supreme Court.    A Prayer Journey from Oak Flats to SCOTUS Stops in Durham Since July 11th, the Apache Stronghold has been traveling across the country from Oak Flat to Washington, D.C. on a prayer journey to raise awareness and build support for their righteous struggle for spiritual sovereignty. They stopped in Durham, North Carolina on September 4th, where UFE hosted them at the Avila Center for Community Leadership. Our staff had the privilege of participating in their prayer ceremony. One week later, their Supreme Court case, Apache Stronghold v. United States , was heard on September 11th, 2024. It is expected that the Court will decide by early next year whether to hear the case. Apache Stronghold organizer, Vannessa Nosie (left), UFE Executive Director, Jeannette Huezo (middle), and Professor and Apache Stronghold organizer, Dr. Wendsler Nosie, Sr. (right). Photo credit: Apache Stronghold A Court Case That Can Change the Nation A decision in Apache Stronghold v. United States will have massive legal implications across the country. It could change longstanding U.S. law, which has recognized that only native people have a “spiritual connection to the land,” and could also substantially impact existing law on religious freedom of all individuals, native and non-native.  With an extremely conservative Supreme Court, this could be a tough battle for the Apache Stronghold. However, in the words of Dr. Wendsler Nosie, Sr., “this fight is only the beginning.” Apache Stronghold v. United States is opening up a much-needed conversation about indigenous sovereignty and modern day colonization. UFE stands in firm solidarity with the Apache Stronghold and will continue to give our support to their struggle. Click the links below to learn more and stand in support. Watch: Apache Stronghold - The Fight to Save Oak Flat    Please donate to the campaign Please share the campaign and click “track this case” to sign up for updates: Apache Stronghold v. United States This article was first published by UFE .

Durham County’s inspection reports of construction projects in the Lick Creek watershed show an alarming indifference to sediment pollution, according to Neuse Riverkeeper Samantha Krop. “In the public records we requested from the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality, there is a lack of notices of violation for sites that we know are polluting,” Samantha said. “There are 32 active construction sites in this small, 22.9-square-mile watershed, and dozens of them are regularly out of compliance with sediment and erosion control standards.” Samantha has been tracking sediment pollution in the Lick Creek watershed in southeast Durham for more than two years. The extreme turbidity — the amount of soil particles suspended in the water — has been attributed to stormwater runoff from hundreds of acres of surrounding land cleared to make way for new housing developments. “In the first six months of the year, out of the 32 active construction projects in the Lick Creek watershed, only three of those sites received notices of violations despite the fact that dozens were out of compliance,” Samantha said. “In their inspection reports, we can see all of these places where it was noted they were out of compliance — in some cases, the developer was out of compliance for three, four or more inspections in a row — and no notice of violation was issued.” A notice of violation can bring with it a civil penalty of up to $5,000 for non-compliance with sediment and erosion control standards. According to the public records Samantha received from NCDEQ, none of the three civil penalties issued to developers in the Lick Creek watershed earlier this year was more than $1,000. “I think our regulators are too easy on these developers and contractors,” Samantha said. “For these developers with multi-million-dollar budgets, $1,000 means nothing to them.” The cost to the environment, however, is much steeper, she said. “We’ve got these significant environmental costs that we’ve been documenting for over two years, and we’re not asking developers to pay their fair share, even when they’re known polluters,” Samantha said. “The cumulative impacts cannot be overstated.” On Wednesday, Samantha made a trip out to Lick Creek — a tributary of the drinking water source for millions of Raleigh residents, Falls Lake — to do more sampling. “It rained an inch and a half on Saturday, so it was four days after a rain, and you could see where dirty water is just flowing off their sites, from their sediment basins into the creeks,” she said. “The problem is persisting and maybe even getting worse.” Like the work your Riverkeepers are doing? So do we! Donate today to support their efforts in the lab and in the field! This article was first published by Sound Rivers .

Despite calling pro-Duke Energy regulators’ interpretation of the law ‘absurd’, appeals judges give Utilities Commission OK to accept Duke’s biased cost calculations On September 17th, a state appeals court panel rejected claims that regulators violated state law when allowing Duke Energy to downgrade the economic benefits for owners of rooftop solar. The ruling is a step forward for Duke Energy’s 12-year battle against its sole competition: solar power owned by residential, commercial and nonprofit customers. The court said that the clean energy groups challenging the regulators’ decision were correct in insisting that the North Carolina Utilities Commission, or NCUC, was required to conduct a cost-benefit analysis of solar net metering. The ruling said the NCUC’s claim that it didn’t have to do so was “plainly absurd and in direct conflict” with state law [ 1, pg. 20 ]. But the court said that by simply opening a docket on Duke’s proposed rule change and receiving formal comments from other parties, while denying multiple requests for an evidentiary hearing, the NCUC had in fact conducted a sufficient cost analysis. Opponents dispute Duke’s key argument for the October 2023 rules change, in which the NCUC said that non-solar customers are harmed when solar owners are compensated for power they feed onto the grid in a process called net metering. The challenge was led by NC WARN and the Environmental Working Group. But the appeals court judges – Hunter Murphy, John Arrowood, and Tobias Hampson  –  backed the rule, which has already thrown the state solar industry into disorder. The clean energy appellants are considering an appeal to the state Supreme Court because the law requiring an independent cost-benefit analysis is so clear-cut, as even the legislation’s lead author has insisted. “The appeals court seemed to go out of its way to give Duke the win,” said Jim Warren, executive director of NC WARN. “Even the rubber stamp regulators admitted they didn’t do a cost-benefit analysis, but that Duke’s internal numbers were OK. Bizarrely, the court ruled that the regulators’ limited proceeding did count as the analysis.” “The court made a significant blunder by ignoring state law that clearly requires regulators conduct an independent cost-benefit analysis, instead of relying solely on Duke’s own calculations,” said Caroline Leary, EWG’s general counsel and COO. “This setback not only impedes the progress of North Carolina’s expanding solar industry but also deepens the challenges facing the state as it battles the real-time implications of the climate crisis.”   Warren added, “This ruling directly harms our once-growing solar power industry and the communities constantly battered by climate change driven by polluters like Duke Energy. We need the judicial system to uphold the law while other state officials – particularly the rubber-stamping regulators – constantly bend the rules and fair process in deference to this giant corporate polluter,” he said. BACKGROUND During the legal proceedings in February 2024, attorneys for the clean energy coalition hammered Duke Energy and the NCUC for bypassing mandatory independent cost-benefit analysis, required by state law, before reducing incentives for rooftop solar. They argued that rooftop solar offers a swift, cost-effective, and equitable means to transition away from fossil fuels. Additionally, they emphasized compelling evidence, including an analysis from state Attorney General Josh Stein showing how net metering benefits all customers by reducing the need for new gas-fired plants, which contributes to rising rates and climate change. Duke vigorously blocked the independent cost-benefit analysis that would show the truth. The NCUC sided with Duke’s internal calculations without even conducting its own cost-benefit analysis required under state law, or a public hearing as called for by multiple parties including the attorney general. The coalition challenging the NCUC order includes EWG, NC WARN, Sunrise Durham, 350 Triangle, 350 Charlotte, N.C. Climate Solutions Coalition, N.C. Alliance to Protect Our People and the Places We Live, along with retired chemical engineer Donald Oulman. Following a February 2024 court hearing, a senior official from a leading solar company cited a widespread drop in residential and commercial solar sales since the Duke-NCUC net metering rules change took effect in October. More data on statewide sales will become available soon. This article was first published by NC WARN . Work Cited “NC Utilities Commission, et. al. v. Environmental Working Group, et. al.” Republished by NC WARN , 17 Sept. 2024, www.ncwarn.org/wp-content/uploads/NEMAppealDecision9-17-24.pdf . “North Carolina.” SEIA , www.seia.org/state-solar-policy/north-carolina-solar . "IRP Load Growth Fact Sheet". Duke Energy , Jan. 2024 , www.duke-energy.com/-/media/pdfs/our-company/carolinas-resource-plan/january-24-fact-sheet.pdf?rev=8e61a3e3e8c844daaf4f2d5b6635c687 .

The longest-ever strike of North Carolina telecommunications workers ended on September 15 with victory for the Communications Workers of America (CWA). After a 30-day strike, AT&T agreed to a tentative agreement (TA) with 19 percent raises as well as improvements to work-life balance and the two-tier system. CWA District 3, which represents 17,000 workers in nine Southeastern states, will vote on the TA in the coming weeks [ 1 ].   Grant Welch is the CWA’s North Carolina legislative and political director. He was hired in 1999 as a technician for Bellsouth, which was absorbed by AT&T in 2006. Though Welch has worked for two companies over a 25-year career, he’s only belonged to one union.   “CWA is membership-led,” said Welch, “Leading up to negotiations we take a vote, and we ask the members, ‘If it comes to it, are you willing to go on strike?’ The vote this time around was 96 or 97 percent yes.” AT&T workers across the Southeast began an unfair labor practices (ULP) strike on August 16. According to the union, the corporation refused to bargain over mandatory subjects in contract negotiations and would not send negotiators with decision-making authority. A ULP strike has benefits and drawbacks from the CWA’s perspective.   “When we’re on an ULP strike, that protects our jobs,” said Welch, “The company can bring in temporary contractors, but they can’t make them permanent.” The main drawback was that workers couldn’t receive strike pay for 15 days due to the ULP designation. CWA was able to tap into its relief fund on August 30. “Even then, that’s only $300 per week for each worker,” said Welch, “At day 29, it increases to $400 a week. We actually stood out long enough to get that increase, but the next day we won. We had a TA.” CWA Local 3611 represents ten AT&T offices across the Triangle. During the strike, picket lines went up at these locations from 7:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. Picket lines are instantly respected in communities with an organized working class but aren't a familiar concept to most Southerners. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics,  only 2.7 percent of North Carolina workers belonged to a trade union 2023. “Across District 3, only five percent of our workers crossed that picket line. Ninety-five percent of us held the line. In the South, in nine ‘right-to-work’ states, that is phenomenal.” Workers who side with corporations during strikes are often called “scabs” by their colleagues, who criticize them for benefitting from union contracts but not helping to win them. When the CWA cleared its members to return to work after September 15, it cautioned them not to retaliate against workers who sided with management. “We need to leave those scabs on an island alone by themselves,” said Welch, “There should be zero discussion with them. They took bread off your table while you were fighting  to win a better lifestyle for everyone.” Important strides toward a better lifestyle are laid out in the five-year contract offered by AT&T. The language of the agreement, rather dry to an outsider, will be examined closely by workers as they decide whether to vote for ratification. A few of the TA's gains are outlined below: AT&T hired contractors as temporary workers during the strike. Most employees at the company make between $25 to $35 an hour. The strikebreakers were offered an hourly rate of $200.   “Many of them were brought in under false pretenses,” said Welch, “Some of the contractors didn’t know it was strike work and left when they found out. They said, ‘Man, I'm not crossing the picket line. I was told it was storm relief’. Of course, there were some that just didn't care, who just wanted the money.” AT&T also used managers, some of whom hadn’t done fieldwork in years, to compensate for its striking workforce. The corporation’s use of brand-new contractors and undertrained managers had predictable results. “They messed up so many jobs,” said Welch, “Since the strike ended, we’re going back and fixing so many of their mistakes. But that's the thing, they just wanted the money. They didn't care about the quality of work.” While AT&T floundered, its workforce was rediscovering a spirit of unity on the picket line. Since the 2000s, the company has split up the rank-and-file by creating “lower tier” roles such as Wire Technicians. The two-tier system had led to workers with similar jobs getting very different pay and conditions, a situation designed to sow division. CWA hoped to abolish tiers in the new contract but only achieved a partial victory. The TA consolidates three different wage scales for Wire Technicians into one [ 2 ] [ 3 ]. “Nobody wants to strike, but one of the silver linings is the camaraderie,” said Welch, “When you're on that picket line and when everyone is out of work, there is no job title. There is no disparity in wages, benefits, and job treatment. Everyone is the same and we are all fighting for equality, equity, and respect in the workplace.” The union’s call for equity and respect did not interest many North Carolina politicians. According to the CWA, only twenty-one state officeholders visited the picket line or made a public statement of support. This figure included only one Republican, a performance that speaks for itself. Democratic support for the CWA, though superior to what the GOP offered, was not impressive. Only twenty liberal officeholders backed the workers. Eleven were state representatives, amounting to 23 percent of the NC House Democratic Caucus. Ten percent of the party’s state senators backed the union. Weak support by Democrats was especially revealing since the strike happened in a swing state during a presidential campaign. According to polling averages, Donald Trump and Kamala Harris are tied in North Carolina. The state is home to thousands of CWA members, who in turn have tens of thousands of friends and family. A visit to the picket line could have electrified this significant bloc of voters. Harris, Walz, Trump, and Vance all visited North Carolina between August 16 and September 15. None of them stopped by a picket line. The NC AFL-CIO held its annual convention a few days after the AT&T workers won their strike. Governor Roy Cooper spoke before the union federation, which CWA belongs to. Cooper warmly congratulated the union on its 30-day strike, which he hadn’t supported when it was ongoing. Josh Stein, the Democratic gubernatorial candidate, offered half-hearted support for the CWA. During the strike, he agreed to meet with a few workers in a closed-door, no-press meeting. Stein asked what the union wanted in a new contract, enquired about the issues on the job, and agreed to a group photo in front of a CWA Local 3611 banner. Workers at the meeting said they offered Stein a picket sign to hold in the photo. He declined. The CWA offered warm thanks to the three Congresspeople, all Democrats, who publicly sided with the union. Welch said, “We will say Wiley Nickel, Deborah Ross, and Don Davis took action in support of workers. Those are the three who I will say are true champions of labor.” Work Cited “AT&T Southeast Strike Ends.” Communications Workers of America , 15 Sept. 2024, cwa-union.org/news/releases/att-southeast-strike-ends . DiMaggio, Dan. “AT&T Southeast Workers End Month-Long Strike.” Labor Notes , 30 Sept. 2024, www.labornotes.org/blogs/2024/09/att-southeast-workers-end-month-long-strike . DiMaggio, Dan. “AT&T Southeast Strike Nears One Month, With California and Nevada On.” Labor Notes , 19 Sept. 2024, www.labornotes.org/2024/09/att-southeast-strike-nears-one-month-california-and-nevada-brink-walkout .

Image credit: Appily On Wednesday, April 10th, activists met in a Durham church to learn about campaigns for payment in lieu of taxes (PILOT) aimed at wealthy, tax-exempt universities. The event was organized by City Council member Nate Baker. The main feature was a conversation with Professor Davarian Baldwin, author of In the Shadow of the Ivory Tower: How Universities Are Plundering Our Cities , a 2021 book about the political economy of higher education.   Major universities like Yale, UPenn, and others have been pressured by grassroots campaigns into making PILOTs to their local communities. Yale pays $23 million per year and UPenn pays $10 million [ 1 , 2 ]. Taking note of these victories, activists in Durham are building a campaign that will push Duke University to contribute $20 million per year to city funds.   The total value of Duke University's properties is unclear, so much so that the most reliable estimate comes from a 1998 article in the Duke Chronicle . The author, formerly a high official of the university, estimated that Duke University's properties were worth " somewhat over $900 million, theoretically obligating Duke to pay some $15 million in taxes across the county and the city. Of that, some $6 million would be payable to the city." [ 3 ] Davarian Baldwin is the Raether Professor at Trinity College and founder of the Smart Cities Lab. Image credit: X account of Davarian Baldwin   The $900 million is worth $1.7 billion when inflation is taken into account. However, the $1.7 billion estimate is certainly too low. It does not include properties that Duke University has acquired since 1998, Durham's increased land values, and several other factors. What is not in dispute is that Duke University and Duke Health System paid only $3.7 million in property taxes in 2023 [ 4 ]. Most of the school's properties are used for educational purposes, making them tax exempt under 501(c)(3) rules. “Duke is an important partner in Durham that has some existing community programs and of course covers some of its own services. Nevertheless, we are essentially subsidizing Duke because they are not paying property taxes,” said Baker. “The cash-strapped city of Durham is, in other words, subsidizing a $12 billion-endowed university.”  [ 5 ]   According to US News & World Report , Duke University is the seventh best university in the US. The achievement is bittersweet since Durham Public Schools is ranked 55th among school districts in North Carolina   [ 6 ].   For an elite university located in a community with poor educational outcomes, voluntary payment of property taxes offers a pathway out of injustice. Duke University may find itself looking at the example of UPenn, which sends $10 million a year to Philadelphia City Schools as their PILOT [ 2 ]. Image credit: Amazon   During the talk, Baldwin observed that universities don’t often volunteer a PILOT. Payments to the community tend to be won by grassroots campaigns, such as when a movement called New Haven Rising brought Yale to the negotiating table.   “Everywhere I go, the schools say, ‘He hates universities’”, said Baldwin, “But every year they put out mission statements talking about being a good neighbor to the community. I’m just holding them to that.”   At Wednesday’s event, some audience members were skeptical that Duke University could be pressured to pay up. Baldwin pushed back. He said that universities get uncomfortable when their business, labor, and political practices are subjected to scrutiny. Since PILOT campaigns tend to involve a great deal of public education on these topics, schools often agree to make voluntary payments to shore up their status as a pillar of the community. City Council member Nate Baker. Image credit: Nate Baker Instagram   “Go talk to 40 and 50-year residents. They have the receipts," said Baldwin, "They want to talk about their stories’”.   Baldwin advised that the PILOT campaign should be led by long-time Durham residents and university workers, particularly the Black members in those groups. He also pointed out that the campaigns often gain allies on the City Council, who are attracted by the prospect of additional revenue.   “What mayor doesn’t want more money?” asked Baldwin.   Work Cited   1.       Basler, Cassandra. “Yale Announces ‘Historic’ $135 Million Payment to New Haven.”  Connecticut Public , 9 Mar. 2023,  www.ctpublic.org/education-news/2021-11-17/yale-announces-historic-135-million-payment-to-new-haven . 2.       Stellino, Molly, and Molly Stellino. “Activists Question Whether Wealthy Universities Should Be Exempt From Property Taxes.”  The Hechinger Report , 18 Dec. 2020,  hechingerreport.org/activists-question-whether-wealthy-universities-should-be-exempt-from-property-taxes . 3.       Burness, John. “Dismiss Durham'S Idea to Tax Duke'S Dime.” The Chronicle , 15 Apr. 1998, www.dukechronicle.com/article/dismiss-durhams-idea-tax-dukes-dime . 4.       Mungai, Mary.  Durham City Councilman Proposes Duke Pay “Fair Share” in Property Taxes | the Durham VOICE . 14 Mar. 2024,  durhamvoice.org/durham-city-councilman-proposes-duke-pay-fair-share-in-property-taxes/#:~:text=According%20to%20their%202023%20Annual,million%20in%20property%20taxes%20annually . 5.       Duke University.  Duke University’s Endowment . 2023,  giving.duke.edu/wp-content/uploads/DukeEndowment.pdf . 6.       “Durham Public Schools - North Carolina.”  Niche ,  www.niche.com/k12/d/durham-public-schools-nc .

On July 28th, activists set up a table at CCB Plaza to canvass Durham residents about fair taxation of Duke University. Sunday's event was organized by Duke Respect Durham, a coalition of twenty community groups that are pressuring the university to make voluntary payments in lieu of taxes (PILOT). Duke University owns about 12 percent of land in the city of Durham [ 1 ] [ 2 ]. As an educational institution, the university is exempt from what would be tens of millions of dollars in property tax on its non-commercial holdings. Duke University and Duke Health System paid only $3.7 million in property taxes in 2023 [ 3 ].  According to Duke Respect Durham, the table at CCB Plaza saw plenty of foot traffic because of an open-air market on Foster Street. Handing out fliers and striking up conversations, the canvassers asked Durham residents, “What can Durham do with $50 million?” The most common replies were that a PILOT from Duke University should be used to fund Durham Public Schools, Durham Housing Authority, and GoDurham. The PILOT movement in Durham has been inspired by successful movements at Yale University, the University of Pennsylvania, and other elite schools. In 2021, a campaign called Yale Respect New Haven pressured the university to increase its annual PILOT to $23 million [ 4 ]. In 2020, the University of Pennsylvania agreed to make a $10 million PILOT to Philadelphia Public Schools in response to criticism that the university wasn’t doing enough to promote education in its own backyard. The concession came after years of pressure from “ Philadelphia Jobs With Justice , a pro-labor nonprofit … [and] Penn for PILOTs, the first campaign led by staff and faculty members” [ 5 ].  At the July 28th event, one Durham resident said, “I know a lot of Duke professors. They choose to live in Chapel Hill because they want to send their kids to decent public schools”. The resident signed the Duke Respect Durham petition, along with dozens of other people who stopped by the campaign’s table [ 6 ]. According to Niche , an education website, Durham Public Schools is ranked 55th out of 115 school districts in North Carolina [ 7 ].  The total value of Duke University property is unclear. The most recent, reliable figure comes from a 1998 Duke Chronicle  article in which a university public relations official estimated " somewhat over $900 million, theoretically obligating Duke to pay some $15 million in taxes across the county and the city" [ 8 ]. Adjusted for inflation, that property would now be worth $1.7 billion.  However, property values in Durham have risen faster than inflation in recent decades. The House Price Index for Durham-Chapel Hill has more than tripled since 1998 [ 9 ]. If the index’s increase is applied, Duke University property would be worth around $2.9 billion, not accounting for property bought or sold since 1998. If that rough estimate is accurate, Duke University is exempt from about $40 million in property taxes each year [ 10 ]. The canvassers said that not everyone they talked to agreed with the PILOT campaign. A group of young men scoffed at the idea of Duke University paying property taxes and said the reason is because “That’s our alma mater!” According to Duke Respect Durham, the PILOT campaign is working to show people connected to Duke University that there’s no contradiction between having fond college memories and demanding that the wealthy institution help to fund basic public services like education, housing, and transit. With a $12 billion endowment, Duke University can certainly afford to pay its fair share. Work Cited “Duke Facts.” Facts , 23 July 2024, https://facts.duke.edu . “Durham: By the Numbers”. City of Durham , 2020, www.durhamnc.gov/DocumentCenter/View/34785/Durham-By-the-Numbers-English-FY20 . Mungai, Mary. “Durham City Councilman Proposes Duke Pay “Fair Share” in Property Taxes”  The Durham VOICE . 14 Mar. 2024, https://durhamvoice.org/durham-city-councilman-proposes-duke-pay-fair-share-in-property-taxes/ Rayala, Sai. “City and University Officials Announce Six-year Commitment, Increases to Yale’s Voluntary Contribution.” Yale Daily News , 19 Nov. 2021, https://yaledailynews.com/blog/2021/11/17/city-and-university-officials-announce-six-year-commitment-increases-yales-voluntary-contribution . Stallion, Molly. “Activists Question Whether Wealthy Universities Should Be Exempt From Property Taxes.” The Hechinger Report , 18 Dec. 2020, https://hechingerreport.org/activists-question-whether-wealthy-universities-should-be-exempt-from-property-taxes . “President Price and CEO Albanese: Let’s Work Toward a Just Durham.” https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/dukerespectdurham . “Durham Public Schools.” Niche , www.niche.com/k12/d/durham-public-schools-nc . Burness, John. “Dismiss Durham’s Idea to Tax Duke’s Dime.” Duke Chronicle , 15 Apr. 1998, www.dukechronicle.com/article/dismiss-durhams-idea-tax-dukes-dime . “All-Transactions House Price Index for Durham-Chapel Hill, NC”. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis , 28 May 2024, https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/ATNHPIUS20500Q . “Tax Rates.” Durham County , 2024, www.dconc.gov/county-departments/departments-f-z/tax-administration/tax-rates .

Duke Energy’s 2022 promise to investors [ 1, pg. 18 ] that it will pour $75 billion into high-voltage transmission projects in its monopoly states by 2032 was belied recently when its expert witnesses admitted to NC regulators that building new transmission corridors could meet such local opposition “that you can’t move forward with it.” [ 2, pg. 167 ] [ 3, pg. 48 ]. The statements were made under oath during questioning at NC Utilities Commission hearings over Duke’s Carbon Plan. Although in 2022 Duke quietly indicated plans to build hundreds of miles of new transmission in eastern NC, this is the first time any specific plan was hinted at – along with the enormous risk to investors and ratepayers posed by such a gamble. Since 2022, NC WARN and eastern NC community groups have criticized Duke Energy’s secrecy. And we’ve warned its corporate and nonprofit allies that trying to seize land and bulldoze through farms, forests and communities runs the same risks that led to the 2020 defeat of Duke and Dominion Energy’s attempt to build an $8 billion fracked gas pipeline through the same region. At the hearings, two Duke witnesses finally shed a little light on its plans, indicating it might attempt to build a large high-voltage line from Wake County to New Bern, but no final decision has been made. Typically, before alerting the public about unwanted projects, Duke Energy quietly seeks to purchase land and to gain approval from local officials and other community leaders. That well-worn pattern led to ongoing outrage by residents of Green Pond, SC, where Duke is attempting to build a 4.5-mile transmission corridor [ 4 ]. The Duke witnesses indicated the risk for new transmission projects is high even when Duke already owns much of the right-of-way, thus lowering the need to seize land through eminent domain. Duke leaders loosely claim that much of any new and upgraded transmission infrastructure is needed for future renewable power, but NC WARN believes it’s mainly intended for Duke’s plans to build dozens of fracked gas-fired and nuclear power units. NC WARN supports necessary grid upgrades and improvements that don’t harm communities. Although our Sharing Solar proposal supports so-called solar farms, we want them equitably sited and built close to where power is used. Proposal For Sweeping Shift To Local Solar So far, the NC Utilities Commission has unofficially gone along with Duke’s high-rolling grid gamble – just as it has with plans for fracked gas plants and experimental nuclear reactors. According to its own testimony, Duke’s Carbon Plan strategies are very high risk, they’d drive up power bills year after year, and they’re far too slow to meet climate scientists’ demand to phase out fossil fuels this decade. The now-exposed risks and billion-dollar cost of the Wake-to-New Bern scheme amplifies the need for transparency, and for this state to expand – instead of suppress – low-risk, local solar-plus-storage (SPS). NC WARN and allies are proposing a sweeping statewide expansion of no-upfront cost SPS in a way that helps all power users, particularly those most in need. This Sharing Solar proposal is the fastest, cheapest and most equitable way to get North Carolina off fossil fuels [ 5 ]. All power users would share the benefits, and we’d all share the costs through our monthly power bills – just like we now pay for dirty, damaging power. We are convinced that rapidly expanding solar on roofs and parking lots is essential if this state is ever to get onto the right side of the climate crisis. This article was first published by NC WARN . Work Cited "Q3 2022 Earnings Review and Business Update." Duke Energy , 4 Nov. 2022, https://s201.q4cdn.com/583395453/files/doc_financials/2022/q3/Q3-2022-Earnings-Presentation-vFINAL-(with-Reg-G).pdf “2024 Carbon Plan Expert Witness Hearing Transcript, Vol. 11.” NC Utilities Commission , 26 July 2024, https://starw1.ncuc.gov/NCUC/ViewFile.aspx?Id=20de7107-1f8d-497f-8473-41b621328494 “2024 Carbon Plan Expert Witness Hearing Transcript, Vol. 12.” NC Utilities Commission , 29 July 2024, https://starw1.ncuc.gov/NCUC/ViewFile.aspx?Id=6e8e7c24-f201-49a7-996b-a7b7cf1e6a17 Runkel, Grace. “Neighbors Call for New Law as Duke Energy Looks to Build Transmission Lines Through Community.”  Fox Carolina , 19 July 2024,  www.foxcarolina.com/2024/07/19/neighbors-call-new-law-duke-energy-looks-build-transmission-lines-through-community “Sharing Solar Summary.” NC WARN , https://www.ncwarn.org/sharing-solar-summ/

On September 3rd, around 100 pro-Palestine demonstrators gathered in downtown Raleigh to protest recent Israeli raids in the occupied West Bank. The protestors met at Moore Square for speeches before marching down Hargett Street and Martin Street. The Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP), Muslim Women For, and several other organizations promoted the rally through social media.   The crowd assembled in Moore Square around 7 p.m. Tables for the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and the Green Party promoted various campaigns. The DSA table was adorned with campaign signs for Reeves Peeler and Mary Black, both running for seats on Raleigh city council.   Off to the side, a woman named Kristy Wandle stood at a table piled with baked goods. She said she was raising money for the Eliyan family in Gaza. Cookies, scones, and Arabic pastries were laid out alongside pictures of the displaced family. Wandle commented that the Eliyan’s had sent her some of the recipes. The GoFundMe run on behalf of the family describes hopes of escape into Egypt, which costs $5,000 to $10,000 per adult [ 1 ]. Egypt, which has helped to blockade for Gaza for decades, has been ruled by US-backed dictators for more than 40 years.   The first speaker mounted a concrete barrier and said, “Every day we’re waking up hoping for a ceasefire, hoping for an end to the bombings and the bloodshed. Yet, the United States and the Zionist regime have other plans. They have an intent to expand the genocide from Gaza to the West Bank.”   Speaking into a megaphone, she continued, “On August 28th, Zionist forces launched a large-scale military operation across the West Bank raiding refugee camps in Jenin, Nablus, Tulkarem, and Tubas.”   On September 6th, the New York Times  ran an article with the headline, “10 Day Blitz Leaves Ruin in the West Bank” [ 2 ]. According to the piece, “at least 39 people [were] killed”, “an American woman who was protesting against an Israeli settler outpost was fatally shot”, and the “streets [were] so ravaged by bulldozers that cars were unable to pass”.   Among those killed by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) was Bana Laboum, a 13-year-old girl from Qaryut village. According to Haaretz, Laboum was “hit while she was in her family's home with her sisters” in the aftermath of an incident where “Israeli settlers threw stones and set fields on fire in the village” [ 3 ]. Victor Urquiza, a PSL activist, was the second speaker at Tuesday’s event. He said, “There are three individuals from Raleigh… who have travelled to the West Bank last month to help the poor Palestinians who are facing daily violence from fascist settlers and from the IOF”.   According to Urquiza, one of the Raleigh residents was denied access to the West Bank. He said, “He is Palestinian and he cannot enter his homeland.” The crowd reacted with calls of “shame”.   “The other two individuals were able to enter and have been volunteering in [a small village south of Nablus],” he said, “I have the privilege of being on the support team for two of the brave individuals who have left the comfort of their home in the United States to travel across the world where they’re facing daily violence.”   There is precedent for Americans traveling to protect communities under attack by US-backed forces. In December 1980, four American nuns from the Maryknoll Sisters institute were raped and killed by the El Salvador National Guard, which was receiving military aid from the Carter Administration. A high official of the Reagan Administration, which came into office the next month, supported the atrocity since “the nuns were not just nuns. They were political activists” [ 4 ].   Aysenur Egyi, an American activist, was shot in the head by the IDF on September 6th. She was previously involved in protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline and helped to organize the Gaza encampment at the University of Washington. Hours later, Congressman Randy Fine (R-Fla.) applauded Egyi’s killing in a social media post. He wrote, “Throw rocks, get shot. One less Muslim terrorist. Fire away” [ 5 ]. The third speaker at the September 3rd rally was Ashraf Shawa, who was born in the Gaza Strip. The emcee for the event said that many members of Shawa's family have been killed by the IDF. He began with an acknowledgement of the JVP attendees, “Shalom to my Jewish brothers and sisters and peace and blessings to you all.”   Shawa read a poem he’d written several days prior. An excerpt of the poem went, “Like every story ever written, there is always a light at the end of the tunnel, a beautiful ending to a great struggle. Unfortunately, in every tale, the struggle is often romanticized, synthesized through media giants that create fairy tales to keep us entertained, portraying the challenges of a star that rises to their name.”   The fourth speaker at Tuesday’s rally was a Green Party member, who urged the crowd to “Abandon Harris” and vote for either Jill Stein or Claudia De la Cruz. The spokesperson brought up the issue, which she said was raised by many critics, that voting for a third party would help to elect Donald Trump. In response, she said, “If you’re afraid of Trump, you’re asleep”. The representative of the Green Party said she opposed Trump but felt that both main parties were “capitalists and part of the war machine”.               According to FiveThirtyEight , a polling website, Trump leads Kamala Harris in North Carolina by 0.6% [ 6 ]. Stein and De la Cruz don’t appear in the polling aggregate.   An Insider Advantage poll from late August asked North Carolina likely voters if they planned to vote for “another candidate”. That option received 1.5% support [ 7 ]. A pol conducted by East Carolina University in late August found that the third-party candidate in North Carolina with the most support was Chase Oliver of the Libertarian Party, who was polling at 1%. Stein received 0.5% support, while De la Cruz did not appear [ 8 ].   The final speaker at the September 3rd rally was Hadeel Hamoud, a member of Muslim Women For. She focused on the re-election campaign of Mary Black, a member of Raleigh city council. Hamoud said, “Mary Black is a strong progressive advocate and a movement-centered member of the Raleigh city council. During her tenure, Mary Black prioritized people over profits. She supported and advocated for the ceasefire resolution that we demanded, that was demanded by thousands of people.”   Black is running for re-election against Mitchell Silver, whose campaign has been generously funded by wealthy businesspeople in Raleigh. He raised about $55,000 between April and June 2024. Ten of Silver’s 25 top donors work in the real estate and construction sector. An outright majority of Silver’s 25 top donors are founders, chairpersons, presidents, owners, or CEOs at their place of work [ 9 ]. A recent opinion piece in the News and Observer observed that a major issue in the 2024 city council races is the Raleigh Comprehensive Plan, which is due to be rewritten by the next city council [ 10 ].   Black’s views on community-oriented development could explain the high degree of opposition she has inspired among Raleigh's business elite. It was quite dark by the time the crowd marched out of Moore Square with a police escort. Flags and hand-signs in tow, a hundred or so people spilled out onto Hargett Street. Familiar chants bounced off the walls of Raleigh’s urban canyons.   “One, we are the people! Two, we won’t be silent! Three, stop the bombing now, now, now, now!”   The organizers struggled to lead their chants with weak megaphones, but the crowd knew the slogans well enough to compensate. Ceasefire rallies in downtown Raleigh usually have a microphone connected to powerful speakers. While marching, the equipment tends to be in the back of a pickup truck, towed in a wagon, or carried by hand. That equipment didn't appear to be available on Tuesday.   “Not another nickel, not another dime! No more money for Israel’s crimes!”   On Hargett Street, an older man walking his bike down the sidewalk held up a fist in solidarity. The only negative interaction came when one man briefly yelled “Trump 2024!”. The majority of bystanders looked on with curiosity or indifference. Faces peered down from the brightly lit rooftop bar above a shop called Munjo Munjo, too silhouetted to be seen clearly.   Pro-Palestine protests have occurred in downtown Raleigh almost every week for ten months. The demonstrations have ranged in size from the high dozens to the low thousands. The Raleigh protests are a major part of the most immediate, sustained movement against a US-backed war in the history of North Carolina.   After the US invasion of South Vietnam in 1962, it took seven years for substantial protest to develop in North Carolina. By that time, hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese people had already been killed. When they finally materialized, the protests centered on the state's major universities.   According to UNC University Libraries , “by the fall of 1969, [there were] mass demonstrations and protests by UNC-Chapel Hill students. By the spring of 1970, class boycotts targeting the U.S. war effort had become significant” [ 11 ]. For the first seven years of the Vietnam War, NC State was a “ quiet, business-minded college ” and major demonstrations began there only after the Kent State massacre in May 1970 [ 12 ]. At Duke University, it was considered notable when “a crowd of 88” protested in March 1970 [ 13 ]. Work Cited   “Urgent Relief for Ali’s and Mohammed’s Displaced Family, Organized by Kristy Wandle.” GoFundMe , www.gofundme.com/f/urgent-relief-for-mohammeds-displaced-family . Abdulrahim, Raja. “West Bank Residents Survey Destruction as Israeli Forces Withdraw.”  New York Times , 6 Sept. 2024,  www.nytimes.com/2024/09/06/world/middleeast/jenin-israel-withdraw-destruction.html . Khoury, Jack. “Palestinians: Israeli Army Gunfire Kills 13-year-old Girl in West Bank Following Settler Clashes.” Haaretz.com , 6 Sept. 2024, www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-09-06/ty-article/palestinians-idf-gunfire-kills-13-year-old-girl-in-west-bank-following-settler-clashes/00000191-c8ea-d12d-a191-fbfa0ec60000 . Bonner, Raymond. “The Diplomat Who Wouldn’t Lie.” Politico Magazine , 19 Apr. 2015, www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/04/robert-white-diplomat-el-salvador-117089 . “Post on September 6”, X (Formerly Twitter) , www.x.com/VoteRandyFine/status/1832198747495002573 . “North Carolina: President: General Election: 2024 Polls.” FiveThirtyEight , 8 Sept. 2024, www.projects.fivethirtyeight.com/polls/president-general/2024/north-carolina . “North Carolina: Trump Leads Harris by One Point.”  InsiderAdvantage , www.insideradvantage.com/north-carolina-trump-leads-harris-by-one-point-rounded-numbers-below-tabs . “North Carolina Election Heats up: Trump Leads Harris by 1 Point in North Carolina.” ECU Center for Survey Research. www.surveyresearch-ecu.reportablenews.com/pr/north-carolina-election-heats-up-trump-leads-harris-by-1-point-in-north-carolina-stein-widens-advantage-over-robinson-in-race-for-governor . "Mitchell Silver for Raleigh - Mid Year Semi Annual Report - Detailed Receipts", North Carolina State Board of Elections , 26 Jul. 2024, cf.ncsbe.gov/CFOrgLkup/ReportDetail/?RID=218665&TP=REC . Barnett, Ned. “Two 2024 Races Will Play a Key Role in Raleigh’s Vision and Future.” News and Observer , 15 July 2024, www.newsobserver.com/opinion/article289953744.html . “Vietnam War Protests.” UNC Libraries . www.exhibits.lib.unc.edu/exhibits/show/protest/vietnam-essay . “Activists and Authorities: The May 1970 Protests”. History Department of North Carolina State University, www.soh.omeka.chass.ncsu.edu/1970-home . Curtis, Miranda. “Anti-Vietnam War Protest | Durham Civil and Human Rights Map”. Durham Civil and Human Rights Map, www.durhamcivilrightsmap.org/places/5-anti-vietnam-war-protest .

Whitakers, North Carolina With the slogan “Resist, Restore and Revitalize!” the 13th Biennial Convention of statewide UE Local 150 convened at the Franklinton Center at Bricks on August 10 and 11. Local 150 members from across North Carolina shared their experiences fighting for fair wages and dignity, and building their union, in one of the least unionized states in the country. In her address at the start of the convention, President Sekia Royall told the story of how she got involved in the union. A new manager in her department had fired one of her fellow workers, and she went to a meeting called by the union “not knowing what to expect,” as she had grown up in Kansas, another “right to work” state without a strong union culture. “That day something changed in me,” she said. “I’ve always been a fighter but UE taught me how to fight different.” Royall, who was not seeking another term as president, shared how her six years as a local officer (two as vice president and four as president) had been “a very humbling experience and rewarding, helping workers to find their own strength. In that moment, I found my power as well.” Organizing the South with UE Local 150 In one of the highlights of the convention, former Local 150 President Angaza Sababu Laughinghouse chaired a panel of Local 150 chapter leaders on “Organizing the South.” The importance of organizing the South for the entire working class was laid out in a resolution on the topic passed by the convention, which points out that “North and South Carolina are the least unionized states in the entire country. This allows the big multinational corporations to make super profits and not have to bargain with workers and their unions.” Another resolution, on collective bargaining rights for all workers, identifies one of the reasons why North Carolina has such a low union density: “In 1959, during the Jim Crow era when Black people largely had no rights to vote, an all-white state legislature passed General Statute 95-98 banning public worker collective bargaining and strikes.” Despite that ban, Local 150 members who work for the state Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS), for the state’s largest cities, for its university system, and at the Cummins Diesel plant, have been uniting workers to engage in aggressive struggle to win improvements in wages and fair treatment, and leaders from all of these sectors participated in the panel. The panel began with Terry Green , president of UE Local 111, the Virginia Beach City Workers Union. Until recently, the state of Virginia had also banned collective bargaining in the public sector, but new legislation passed in 2020 allows municipal workers to win collective bargaining rights — but only if their city council passes a resolution allowing it. Green reported on how municipal workers in Virginia Beach, despite setbacks in their efforts to win such a resolution, have twice won ten percent raises, and are making plans to engage in political action to secure a solid city council majority in favor of collective bargaining. Willie Brown of the Durham City Workers Union spoke about the “stand down” action by sanitation workers last September, which won $6.5 million in bonuses in October and helped the union win $28 million in raises in the budget adopted by the city this spring. Workers took the action despite the state’s anti-union laws. Brown also gave an honest assessment of mistakes the union had made during, and how union members had learned from them. William Young from the Cherry Hospital DHHS chapter reported that DHHS workers have seen an uptick in Covid-19 cases, severe understaffing, and fear of hospitals closing down — but the union has been actively protesting these conditions, and keeping workers informed through its newsletter. “We’re going to continue to write letters or do whatever we have to do,” he said. Khin Su Su Kyi , a housekeeper at the University of North Carolina’s flagship campus in Chapel Hill, described how the UNC housekeeper’s chapter of the union had won a minimum wage of $15, then of $18 per hour, and are now fighting for $20 per hour. The union is also fighting so that workers don’t have to pay to park when they come to work. However, perhaps the most important change since workers have established the union, she said, is that “Now, we have a worker union … before, we listened to the supervisor, now the supervisor listens to our voice.” Hwa Huang told the convention about several campaigns the grad worker organizing committee at North Carolina State University has been carrying out, including a cost-of-living survey, a petition that won a significant increase to stipends in one department, and fighting to end fees. Tim Hunt of the Carolina Auto, Aerospace and Machine Workers Union chapter of Local 150 said that the union at Cummins Diesel has been around for 32 years, and discussed the union’s challenge of connecting to and bringing in younger workers. He also spoke about how the newly-formed Down East Workers Assembly is bringing together workers in the region to share their struggles. “We show up at city council meetings,” he said. “We want people to know the struggles that people are going through.” In the discussion of the resolution on organizing the South which followed the panel, Jim Wrenn , a retired member of the CAAMWU chapter, pointed out the “crucial role” that the Southern Workers Assembly , which was founded in 2012, has played in supporting efforts to organize in the state and throughout the region. Understanding the Political Moment Dr. Ajamu Amiri Dillahunt of Black Workers for Justice, a professor of African-American history at North Carolina State and Local 150 member, gave a presentation on “Understanding this Political Moment, What’s At Stake in 2024 Elections.” “You all don’t need me to tell you that we’re in a political, economic, social and environmental crisis,” said Dr. Dillahunt. “Our people are suffering, our communities are suffering, our planet is suffering, and by the looks of it, it doesn’t seem like that crisis is going to let up anytime soon.” Noting that “we have a long battle ahead of us,” he emphasized the importance of focus and discipline, because “We have to be on our game more than we have ever been.” Dr. Dillahunt reviewed various aspects of the political moment, including the ongoing Israeli attacks on Gaza, police violence against Black communities, and Project 2025 , the far-right plan for expanding corporate power under a second Trump presidency. He also noted that at the state level in North Carolina, the crisis for working people has intensified, with right-wing supermajorities imposing their extremist agenda on the University of North Carolina system and failing to pass budgets, leaving public schools and public workers “in a mode of crisis, without the resources needed to thrive.” In this context, Dr. Dillahunt asked, what is the role of the upcoming elections? He suggested that, while there are important differences between the two major parties, both of them represent capitalist exploitation. “Elections are important but they are not the fundamental element that will transform our society,” he said. Real change comes from organizing and “people power.” Following his presentation, Dr. Dillahunt led a robust discussion in which Local 150 members and guests discussed what to do after the election, the role of white supremacist movements in the current moment and how to effectively oppose them, how to best engage faith leaders in workers’ struggles, and more. Montrell Perry of the Durham City Workers Union chapter decried the role of money in politics, declaring that “We deserve more and we have to figure out how to come together.” Brigette Rasberry of the Beloved Community Center in Greensboro, a long-time UE ally, also spoke to the convention about “The Long March for Unity and Justice” (happening September 20-29) which the center is organizing to “push for the type of North Carolina that we know is possible.” The march’s mission is to “create a compassionate and more just” North Carolina. “We are fed up and we are ready to do something different,” Rasberry said. “We are coming together ... workers and unions coming together with ordinary citizens to say no more.” Speakers: How to Win for Workers in a Right-to-Work State Keynote speakers Bryan Proffitt , the vice president of the North Carolina Association of Educators, and Braxton Winston , the Democratic candidate for North Carolina Commissioner of Labor , both laid out visions of a North Carolina that would respect workers’ rights and plans for how to achieve it. Proffitt, a high school history teacher, began his talk with the observation that public education in North Carolina owes its existence to the newly-freed slaves who, in 1868, wrote a guarantee of public education into the state’s new constitution. As recently as twenty years ago, the state still valued education — and the job of teacher was so desirable that Proffitt was unable to secure a job fresh out of school. However, after right-wing Republicans took over the state government in 2010, they immediately went after public schools. Proffitt noted that the right wing hates public schools because they are one of the few places in society where people connect with each other across racial divides, and the rich and powerful rely on dividing people in order to stay in power. “When we all go to school together … and play ball together, and eat lunch together and learn together … and stand together in our unions together, we are very dangerous,” he said. Proffitt reviewed how educators in North Carolina, inspired by the Chicago Teachers Union’s 2012 strike and the Moral Mondays movement in their own state, began to rebuild their union, and in 2018 and 2019 participated in the “Red for Ed” movement, shutting down schools across the state to demand more investment in public education. Then he told the story about how his own local in Durham, starting with 10 percent membership, used rank-and-file and worker-to-worker organizing to achieve majority membership this past May. Bolstered by this new majority, the union won $27 million in additional funding from the county this year, more than twice what they had been able to win in previous years. “We could be less than a decade away from repealing the ban on collective bargaining in our state,” Profitt told the convention. NCAE is planning to use the same kind of worker-led organizing that brought them to majority status in Durham to win majorities elsewhere in the state, win elections to the state Supreme Court, and challenge North Carolina’s gerrymandered electoral map in 2030 — potentially paving the way for a repeal of the collective-bargaining ban. “The majority of the people in our communities, in our state, in our country, in our world, are on our side,” Proffitt said. “And if we fight effectively, they will join us, and we will win all the things that our people deserve.” Winston, a union stagehand and a member of IATSE who is running for Commissioner of Labor, addressed the convention via Zoom. He told UE members, “I’m a guy who clocks in and clocks out,” and that “it’s high time that we had a worker being the lead advocate for workers all across our state,” and noted that, when elected, he will be the first union member to hold the position of Commissioner of Labor. He cited his experience advocating for workers as city councilor and mayor pro tem in Charlotte, where he was a strong ally of Local 150’s Charlotte City Workers Union chapter, and promised to bring strong leadership at the state Department of Labor. “We have to realize that the foundation of this nation’s economy was built on stolen labor,” he said, and pointed out that this legacy hurts all workers, because “today’s American economy continues to rely on the use of unpaid or underpaid labor.” All North Carolina workers suffer from the same system, Winston said, one that “aims to grow the pockets of a small population of business owners” while “ensuring that most of our workforce is indentured to a life of living on the edge of financial ruin, despite people’s willingness to be honest, hard workers. This is a rigged system and it’s supported by middle-men who will do the bidding of the ownership class.” These middle-men, he said, sow division among the working class along lines of race, immigration, and sexual orientation, in order to distract working people from “the owners’ thirst to survive off stolen labor.” He noted that his opponent is one of these middle-men, and that “His platform is to sell you and other workers out.” Winston’s opponent has never been elected to public office, and currently works as a lawyer defending construction companies who are under investigation by the very department he now seeks to lead. “Whether it's urban or rural, in the mountains or the coast, our North Carolina communities are more alike than we are different,” Winston said. “So many of our workers are on the edge because they lack access to affordable child care, affordable housing, or reliable transportation methods.” When elected, he said, he will build coalitions to improve all aspects of working people’s lives, what he called a “whole worker” approach. “If we take care of North Carolina workers, then North Carolina can work for all of us.” After his presentation, Winston took questions from the audience. In response to questions about the limited powers the Commissioner of Labor has in North Carolina, he said he would use the position as a “bully pulpit” to advocate for workers and be creative in using the office to push for improvements in workers’ lives on multiple fronts. Following the discussion, convention delegates voted unanimously to endorse his candidacy. Fighting for Social Change A second panel of UE members and allies addressed “Community-Faith-Labor Coalitions to Win Broad Social Changes.” Chaired by Local 150 Recording Secretary Nichel Dunlap-Thompson , it featured presentations by Ashaki Binta of Black Workers for Justice and the Southern Workers Assembly, Angaza Samora Laughinghouse of Black Workers for Justice and Refund Raleigh, and Hwa Huang of the NC State grad workers’ organizing committee of Local 150. Laughinghouse spoke about efforts to redirect funds from policing to other city services, Huang spoke about organizing tenants, and Binta addressed the leading role of Local 150 in organizing the South, even in the absence of collective bargaining rights. “UE150 has shown that rank-and-file leadership can take on these struggles and build organization,” she said. “Even though the day-to-day may be difficult or challenging, don’t ever underestimate the significance of what you all have been doing for the past 20 or so years” In his remarks to the convention, UE General Secretary-Treasurer Andrew Dinkelaker said, “Local 150 is to be recognized for … challenging us all to do more and to do better.” Reflecting on the UE mottos “the members run this union” and “the union for everyone,” he reminded the delegates and guests that “it is up to all of us to live up to them.” Eastern Region President George Waksmunski also addressed the convention, emphasizing the importance of finding the potential in all workers: “A lot of our members out there don’t know that they are great labor leaders.” Keith Bullard of the Union of Southern Service Workers and Don Cavellini of the Coalition Against Racism in Pitt County brought greetings from their organizations, and Local 150-CAAMWU retiree Jim Wrenn welcomed delegates on behalf of the Franklinton Center, on whose board he serves. Taking a formal stance on many of the issues discussed in the various panels and presentations at the convention, Local 150 delegates discussed and passed resolutions on fighting racism, international solidarity, justice in policing, and “The Ongoing Genocide in Gaza and Palestinian Liberation.” Education, Elections and Organizing On Saturday afternoon, convention-goers attended two rounds of workshops, covering topics including how to have an organizing conversation, elements of a strong local union chapter, movement healing and self-care, what lawyers can and cannot do for workers, and UE’s philosophy of “ Them and Us Unionism. ” Following the workshops, delegates elected a slate of officers to lead the union for the next two years. Willie Brown from the Durham City Workers Union chapter was elected president, and William Young from the Cherry Hospital DHHS chapter was elected vice president. Treasurer Dominic Harris and Chief Steward Craig Brown , both of the Charlotte City Workers Union chapter, were re-elected to new two-year terms; Alexandra Fox from the Central Regional Hospital Chapter was elected as Recording Secretary, and Vincent Daniels of the Durham City Workers Union chapter was elected as Assistant Chief Steward. Dr. Rakesh Patel (Central Regional Hospital) and Montrell Perry (Durham City Workers Union) were elected as trustees, and Chris Benjamin (Durham City Workers Union) was elected as the alternate trustee. Rob Davis of the Charlotte City Workers Union chapter also ran for president. On Sunday morning, International Representative Dante Strobino , Field Organizer Kass Ottley and Project Organizer Lora Tate gave reports on organizing and membership numbers for the local over the past two years. This article was first published by UE Local 150 .